22 Mart 2023 Çarşamba

XIV Maruni Kroniği (664)

                                                   Maruni Kroniği (664)

Yazar

664'ten kısa bir süre sonra tamamlanan Süryanice dilinde anonim bir yıllıktır. Yazarının bir Maruni olduğu anlaşıldığı için bu adı almıştır.

Kitap

Bugün sadece Londra'da, British Library Add'de 17,216 no ile bulunan tek bir hasarlı 8. veya 9. yüzyıl el yazmasında hayatta kalmıştır. 660-664 yıllarını kapsayan tek Süryani vakayinamesidir.

https://archive.org/details/ChronicaMinoraIi/page/n15/mode/2up (02.09.2022).

Kaynakça

 

Henri Lammens (1899) “Qays al-Mārūnī aw aqdam ta'rīkh li-l-kitbat al-Mawārina”. Al-Machriq 2: 265-268; Ernest Walter Brooks (1904) (ed.) “Chronica minora. Volume Two (Corpus scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium, 3: Scriptores Syri, 3). Paris - Leipzig: 43-74; Jean-Baptiste Chabot (1904) (tr.) Chronica minora. Volume Two (Corpus scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium, 4: Scriptores Syri, 4). Paris - Leipzig: 35-57; Michael Breydy (1990) “Das Chronikon des Maroniten Theophilus ibn Tuma”. Journal of Oriental and African Studies 2: 34-43; Sebastian Paul Brock, (1984); “Syriac sources for the seventh-century history”. In: Syriac perspectives on Late Antiquity, ed. Sebastian Paul Brock, (Collected Studies Series, 199). London: VII = Sebastian Paul Brock (1976); “Syriac sources for the seventh-century history”. Byzantine and modern Greek studies 2: 17-36; Muriel Debié (2015) “L'écriture de l'histoire en syriaque”: Transmissions interculturelles et constructions identitaires entre hellénisme et Islam (Late antique history and religion, 12). Leuven - Paris - Bristol: 546-548; Robert Hoyland (1997) “Seeing Islam as others saw it: A survey and evaluation of Christian, Jewish and Zoroastrian writings on early Islam” (Studies in Late Antiquity and early Islam, 13). Princeton: 135-139; Andrew Palmer (1993) “The seventh century in the West-Syrian chronicles, including two seventh-century Syriac apocalyptic texts (Translated texts for historians”, 15). Liverpool: 29-35.

Maronite Chronicle

 

“Sayfa. 69/...Mu’aiwiye, Hudhayfa, the son of his sister, and Mu‘aiwiye gave orders that he be put to death.

‘Ali, too, threatened to go up once again against Mu’awiye, but they struck him while he was at prayer in al-Hira (133) Sayfa. 70/ and killed him. (134) Mu‘awiye (then) went down to al-Hira, where all the Arab forces there proffered their right hand to him, (135) whereupon he returned to Damascus.

In AG 970, the 17th year of Constans, on a Friday in June,(136) at the second hour, there was a violent earthquake in Palestine, and many places there collapsed.

In the same month the bishops of the Jacobites, Theodore and Sabukht (137) came to Damascus and held an inquiry into the Faith with the Maronites (138) in the presence of Mu’awiye. When the Jacobites were defeated, Mu’aiwiye ordered them to pay 20,000 denarii and commanded them to be silent. Thus there arose the custom that the Jacobite bishops should pay that sum of gold every year to Mu’awiye, so that he would not withdraw his protection and let them be persecuted by the members of the (Orthodox) Church. The person called ‘patriarch’ by the Jacobites fixed the financial burden that all the convents of monks and nuns should contribute each year towards the payment in gold and he did the same with all the adherents of his faith. He bequeathed his estate to Mu’aiwiye, (139) so that out of fear of that man all the Jacobites would be obedient to him.

On the ninth of the same month in which the disputation with the Jacobites took place, on a Sunday at the eighth hour, there was an earthquake. (140)

In the same year King Constans ordered his brother Theodosius to be put to death - quite unjustly and without any fault on his part, according to what many people said. Many were grieved at his violent end and they say that the citizens chanted slogans {Gr. phoas} against the King, calling him a second Cain, murderer of his brother. In great anger he left his son Constantine on /Sayfa. 71/ his throne and himself set out for the north, taking the queen and the whole Roman fighting force with him, against foreign peoples.

In AG 971, Constans’s 18th ear, many Arabs gathered at Jerusalem and made Mu’aiwiye kingz (141) and he went up and sat down on Golgotha; he prayed there, and went to Gethsemane and went down to the tomb of the blessed Mary to pray in it. In those days, when the Arabs were assembled there with Mu’aiwiye, there was an earthquake and a violent tremor and the greater part of Jericho fell, including all its churches, and of the House of Lord John at the site of our Saviour’s baptism in the Jordan every stone above the ground was overthrown, together with the entire monastery. The monastery of Abba Euthymius, as well as many convents of monks and solitaries and many other places also collapsed in this (earthquake).

In July of the same year the emirs and many Arabs gathered and proffered their right hand to Mu’awiye. Then an order went out that he should be proclaimed king in all the villages and cities of his dominion and that they should make acclamations and invocations {Gr. phonas, kleeis} to him. He also minted gold and silver, but it was not accepted, because it had no cross on it. Furthermore, Mu’aiwiye did not wear a crown like other kings in the world. He placed his throne in Damascus and refused to go to Muhammad’s throne.

The following year there was frost in the early morning of Wednesday, 13 April, and the white grapevines were withered by it. (142)

When Mu’awiye had acquired the power which he had aimed at and was at rest from the (civil) wars of his people, he broke the peace settlement with the Romans and refused to accept peace from them any longer. Rather he said, ‘If the Romans want / Sayfa 72/ peace, let them surrender their weapons, and pay the tax {Ar. jizya}.’

[one folio missing]

... of the year, Yazid b. Mu’aiwiye went up again with a large army. (143) While they were encamped in Thrace, the Arabs scattered for the purpose of plunder, leaving their hirelings and their sons to pasture the cattle and to snatch anything that should come their way. When those who were standing on the wall (saw) this, they went out and fell upon them and (killed) a great many young men (144) and hirelings and some of the Arabs too. Then they snatched up the booty and went in (to the City). The next day, all the young of men (145) of the City (146) grouped together, along with some of those who had come in to take refuge there and a few of the Romans and said, ‘Let us make a sortie against them’. But Constantine told them, ‘Do not make a sortie. It is not as if you had engaged in a battle and won. All you have done is a bit of common thieving.’ But they refused to listen to him. Instead, a large number of people went out armed, carrying banners and streamers {Gr. banda, phlaimoula} on high as is the Roman custom. As soon as they had gone out, all the gates {Lat. portae} were closed. The King had a tent erected on the wall, where he sat watching. The Saracens drew (them) after them, retreating a good long way away from the wall, so that they would not be able to escape quickly when put to flight. So they went out and squatted in tribal formation. When the others reached them, they leapt to their feet and cried out in the way of their language, God is great!’. Immediately the others turned tail in flight, chased by the Saracens, who fell an them, killing and making captives right up to the point where they came within range of the catapults {Lat. ballistrae} on the wall. In his fury with them Constantine /Sayfa. 73/ was barely willing to open (the gates) for them. Many of them fell and others were wounded by arrows.

In AG 975, the 22nd of Constans and 7th (147) of Mu’aiwiye, (‘Abd al-Rahman) b. Khalid, commander of the Arabs of Emesa, the capital of Phoenicia, went up with an army against Roman territory. He came and pitched camp by the lake called Scutarium; (148) and when he saw that a large number of people were dwelling in it, he wanted to take it. So he made rafts and boats and embarked a force on them and sent them towards the middle (of the lake). The lake-dwellers, seeing this, ran away and hid from them. When the Arabs got into the harbour, they disembarked and tied up the boats, then made off towards the interior to attack the people. At that moment the men who were in hiding got up and ran to the boats, cut off their moorings and rowed out onto the deep water. Thus the Arabs were left on shore in the harbour, penned in by deep water and mud. The inhabitants then grouped together against them, surrounding them from all sides, fell upon them with slings, stones and arrows and killed them all. Their companions stood watching from the opposite shore, unable to come to their aid. The Arabs have not attacked that lake again up to the present day.

Ibn Khalid then set off from there and came to the city of Amorium and gave it the word. (149) When they opened (their gates) to him he stationed an Arab garrison there and left that place. He then came to the great fortress of SYLWS, (150) because a master-carpenter from Paphlagonia had played a trick on him. This man had said to him, ‘If you give me and my household your word (that our lives will be spared), I will make you a catapult {Gr. manganike} capable of taking this fortress.’ Ibn Khalid gave him (his word) and gave orders for some long logs (151) to be brought; and so he made a catapult {Gr. manganike} such as they had never seen before. They went up and installed it opposite the gateway {Lat. porta} /Sayfa 74/ of the fortress. The men defending the fortress, trusting to its impregnability, let them get quite close. Ibn Khalid’s men then drew back their catapult; a rock rose up in the air and hit the gate {Syr. tar‘o} of the fortress. They then shot another rock and it fell a little short; then they shot a third rock, which fell shorter than the other two. The men above jeered and cried out, ‘Pull your weight, Khalid’s men, you are drawing badly’. They wasted no time in using their own catapult to propel a huge rock down onto Ibn Khilid’s catapult from above, hitting it and wrecking it. In thk process of rolling away, the boulder killed a large number of men.

Ibn Khalid went on from there and took the fortresses of Pessinus, Cius and Pergamum, (152) and also the city of Smyrna.

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