19 Mayıs 2023 Cuma

XXXIX 705 Yılına Kadar

 705 Yılına Kadar

Yazar

Chronicle ad 705, günümüze ulaşan iki Süryanice metinden biridir.

Kitap

The Chronicle ad 705 appears in a unique copy, found in British Library Additional 17,193. This ninety-nine-folio Miaphysite compilation preserves excerpts from more than 125 texts ranging from biblical books, Apocrypha, and works of the church fathers to scholia, ecclesiastical canons, and even defi nitions attributed to Plato. The Chronicle ad 705 is the fortieth document in the manuscript.

Kaynakça

W. Wright, Catalogue Of Syriac Manuscripts In The British Museum Acquired Since The Year 1838, 1872, Part III, op. cit., No. DCCCCXXI, BL Add. 14,685, pp. 1062-1064.

Short Chron. 705, 11.

 

Mohammad came upon the earth in 932 of Alexander, son of Philip the Macedonian (620-21); then he reigned 7 years.

Then there reigned after him Abu Bakr for 2 years.

And there reigned after him 'Umur for 12 years.

And there reigned after him 'Uthman for 12 years, and they were without a leader during the war of Siffin (Sefe) for 5½ years.

Thereafter Ma'wiya reigned for 20 years.

And after him Izid the son of Ma'wiya reigned for 3½ years.

{In margin: and after Izid for one year they were without a leader}

And after him 'Abdulmalik reigned for 21 years.

And after him his son Walid took power in AG 1017, at the beginning of first Tishrin (October 705).

XXXVIII

 Sözde-Efrem'in Kıyameti

 

Yazar

Kilise babası Suriyeli Efrem’e atfedilen bir eserdir. Efrem, 306'dan 373'e kadar yaşamıştır. Eserin Efrem’le ilgisi yoktur. Sadece Süryanice yazmıştır. Yunanca eserlerden oluşan çok geniş bir koleksiyon, yazarın Efrem olduğunu söylendiği orta çağların el yazısı Yunanca kitaplarında bulunabilir. Bunların çok azı aslında onun eserlerinin, hatta başka insanların Süryanice eserlerinin tercümeleridir. Bu eserlerin çoğu bilinmeyen yazarlara aittir. Latince el yazmalarında Efrem adı altında küçük bir Latince eser koleksiyonu da bulunmaktadır. Yunanca eserle “Ephraim Graecus” Latince eserler “Ephraim Latinus” olarak bilinir.

Kitap

El yazmaları

Bibliothèque Nationale Français, Latince el yazması 13348; Bibliothèque Sainte-Geneviève, ms. 80. Fol. 103r-104v; Vatican, Barberini lat. 671. Foll.167-171; St Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, ms. 108. Foll.2-10; Karlsruhe, Landesbibliothek, ms. 196. Text starts on folio 24r, ends 29r.;

Paris, Bibliothèque Sainte-Geneviève:

https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b9068371j (15.09.2022).

Vatican, Barberini lat. 671:

https://digi.vatlib.it/view/MSS_Barb.lat.671

St Gall, Stiftsbibliothek;

https://www.e-codices.unifr.ch/en/csg/0108/2/0/Sequence-300

Biri Süryanice diğeri Latince olmak üzere iki ayrı belge günümüze ulaşmıştır. TL Frazier, “Efrem'e atfedilen eser koleksiyonları birkaç dilde mevcuttur, en büyük metin grubu Yunancadır. Süryanice ve Ermenice dışındaki dillerde Ephrem'e atfedilen neredeyse tüm hayatta kalan metinler, Latin korpusu da dahil olmak üzere bu Yunanca külliyattan türetilmiştir.

Kaynakça

Caspari Carl Paul, “Briefe, Abhandlungen und Predigten aus den zwei letzten Jahrhunderten des kirchlichen Altherthums und dem Anfang des Mittelalters”, 1896; Daniel Verhelst, “Scarpsum de dictis sancti Efrem prope fine”, in: R. Lievens (ed), Pascua Mediaevalia : studies voor Prof. Dr. J.M. de Smet, Louvain, 1983, s.518-528; Grant Reid Jeffrey, “A pretrib rapture statement in the early medieval church”, in: T. Ice & T. Demy (edd.), When the trumpet sounds, Oregon 1995, pp.105-126, 454-5; Bernard McGinn, “Visions of the End: Apocalyptic Traditions in the Middle Ages”, 1979. Chapter 4, pp.60-1, contains a translation of part of the work from Caspari; Paul Jacob Alexander, “The Byzantine Apocalyptic Tradition”, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985, s.136; Terry Frazier, Gerrit Jan Reinink, “Pseudo-Methodius and the Pseudo-Ephremian ‘Sermo de Fine Mundi’”, In: R.I.A. Nip &c, Media Latinitas: A collection of essays to mark the retirement of L.J.Engels, Steenbrugis, 1996, ss. 317-321; Georg Arnold Anton Kortekaas, “The Biblical Quotations in the Pseudo-Ephremian ‘Sermo de fine mundi’”, In: R.I.A. Nip &c, Media Latinitas: A collection of essays to mark the retirement of L.J.Engels, Steenbrugis, 1996, ss. 237-244; D. Hemmerdinger-Iliadou, “Éphrem latin”, in: Dictionnaire de Spiritualité, vol. 4, Paris 1960, col. 815-819; Roger Gryson, “Répertoire général des auteurs ecclésiastiques latins de l’Antiquité et du Haut Moyen Âge” t. 1, A-H, Herder, 2007; Seeing Islam as Others Saw It, s.260-261;

Syriac Apocalypse of Pseudo-Ephraem

 

Translated from the text in Edmund Beck, ed., Des heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Sermones III (CSCO 320; Louvain: Secrétariat du Corpus SCO, 1972), 60-71; see also 79-94 for Beck’s translation. The text is based on two manuscripts: (1) Codex Vaticanus Sir. 566, and (2) Codex Dublinensis (Trinity College) B 5.19. Editio princeps: Thomas Josephus Lamy, ed., Sancti Ephraem Syri Hymni et Sermones (4 vols.; Mechliniae: H. Dessain, 1882-1902), 3:187-212.

 

https://pages.charlotte.edu/john-reeves/research-projects/trajectories-in-near-eastern-apocalyptic/pseudo-ephrem-syriac/ (15.09.2022).

A people will emerge from the wilderness,

The progeny of Hagar, the handmaid of Sarah;

Who hold fast to the covenant with Abraham,

The husband of Sarah and Hagar.

Set in motion, he (Ishmael) comes in the name of the ram,

The herald of the Son of Destruction.

A sign will appear in the heavens,

The one our Lord spoke of in His gospel:

Luminaries will shine among the stars

And the light of His face will gleam.

Rulers will quake and tremble;

The forces arrayed by them will fall.

The peoples of the earth will be terrified

When they behold the sign set in the heavens.

They will prepare for battle and come together,

All peoples and nationalities.

They will wage war there

And the ground will be drenched with blood.

The nations will suffer defeat there,

A marauding nation will prevail.

The marauders will fly over the landscape,

Across plains and over the peaks of mountains.

They will take women and children as captives,

Also men both elderly and young.

The best of the males will be destroyed;

The most desirable women will be removed.

With strong spears and lances

They will impale elderly men.

They will separate a son from his father,

A daughter from the side of her mother;

They will separate a brother from his brethren,

A sister from the side of her sisters.

They will slay the bridegroom in his bedroom

And expel the bride from her bridal chamber.

They will take a wife away from her husband,

And slaughter her as if she were a sheep;

They will cast an infant away from its mother

And drive the mother into captivity.

The child will scream out on the ground:

Its mother hears, but what can she do?

For it will be trampled by the hooves

Of horses, camels, and infantry!

She (tries to) turn toward it, (but) they will not allow her;

The child remains within the wild (?).

They separate children from their mother

As the soul (is separated) from the body.

She watches while they divide them up,

Her beloved ones (taken from) the embrace of her bosom;

Two of her children to two (different) masters,

Her own self to still another master;

She has been allocated, and her children with her;

For they are now slaves to robbers.

Her children cry out with laments,

Their eyes burning with tears;

She turns toward her beloved ones,

The milk flowing forth from her breast:

‘Farewell, my beloved ones!

May God go with you!

The one who accompanied Joseph

In (his) servitude among foreigners:

May He accompany you, my children

Into the captivity where you are going!’

‘Farewell, our mother!

May God go with you!

The one who accompanied Sarah

Into the palace of Abimelech the Gadarite:

May He accompany your own self

Until the Day of Resurrection!’

The son will stand and watch while his father

Is sold into slavery.

The eyes of both of them will burn with tears

While they groan, one in front of the other.

A brother will watch while his brother

Is killed and cast down on the ground,

Whereas he they drive off into captivity

In order to serve among foreigners as a slave.

They even put to death mothers

Who are holding their children to their breasts.

Bitter is the sound of the infants

Who are groaning to satisfy their desire (for milk).

They will prepare roads in the mountains,

Highways in the middle of the plains;

They will maraud until the very ends of the created order.

They will establish rule over the urban centers.

The provinces will suffer destruction,

And they will multiply corpses on the earth.

All peoples will be brought low

Before the marauder nation.

And once the peoples have endured much on earth

And hope that now peace has arrived,

They (the Ishmaelites) start exacting tribute

And everyone will be fearful of them.

Lawlessness will intensify on the earth

And even obscure the clouds;

Wickedness will enclose the created order

And waft up like smoke to the heavens.

Then since wickedness will be rampant upon the earth,

The Lord’s wrath will then stir up

Kings and mighty armies.

9 Mayıs 2023 Salı

XXXVII Nikiu Kroniği Yahya (ö. Yaklaşık 690)

 Nikiu Kroniği Yahya (ö. Yaklaşık 690)

Yazar

Nikiû'lu Yuhanna (y. 680-690) Nil Deltası'ndaki Nikiû'nun (Paşati) Mısırlı bir Kıpti piskoposu ve 696'da Yukarı Mısır manastırlarının genel yöneticisiydi. Hayatı hakkında çok az bilinmektedir. Hakkındaki bilgiler Aşmunein'li Severus/İbn-i Mukaffa’nın (ö.987) “Patriklerin Tarihi”de toplanmıştır. 696'da Yukarı Mısır manastırlarının genel yöneticisiydi. Âdem'den Müslümanların Mısır'ı fethinin sonuna kadar uzanan bir kroniğin yazarıdır.

Kitap

Kronik büyük olasılıkla Yunanca yazılmıştır Etiyopya/Ge’ez versiyonu bize ulaşmıştır. 1602'de Arapça aslının tercümesi yapılmıştır. John’un kroniğinin en önemli bölümü, Amr b. el-Âs’ın Müslüman orduları tarafından Mısır'ın fethi ile ilgili bölümleridir. Muhtemelen bir görgü tanığı olmasa da, John büyük olasılıkla fetihten hemen sonraki yaşamıştır.

Kaynakça

Étienne Marc Quatremère, “Mémoires géographiques et historiques sur l’Égypte, et sur quelques contrées voisines”. Recueillis et extraits Des Manuscrits Coptes, Arabes, etc., de la Bibliothéque [sic] Impériale, I (Paris: F. Schoell, 1811); Hermann Zotenberg, “Catalogue des manuscrits éthiopiens (gheez et amharique) de la Bibliothèque nationale”, Manuscrits Orientaux (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1877); “Mémoire sur la chronique byzantine de Jean, évêque de Nikiou”, Journal Asiatique, Septième série, 10 (1877), 451–517; “Mémoire sur la chronique byzantine de Jean, évêque de Nikiou”, Journal Asiatique, Septième série, 12 (1878), 245–347; “Mémoire sur la chronique byzantine de Jean, évêque de Nikiou”, Journal Asiatique, Septième série, 13 (1879), 291–386; “Chronique de Jean, évêque de Nikiou: texte éthiopien”, ed., tr. H. Zotenberg, Extrait des Notices des Manuscrits, 24/1 (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1883); Theodor Nöldeke, “Review of Hermann Zotenberg, ed., tr., Chronique de Jean, évêque de Nikiou: texte éthiopien, Extrait des Notices des Manuscrits 24/1” (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1883)’, Göttingische gelehrte Anzeigen, 2 (1883), 1364–1374; Antoine Thomson d'Abbadie 1859. “Catalogue raisonné de manuscrits éthiopiens appartenant à Antoine d’Abbadie” (Paris: Imprimerie impériale, 1859); Émile Amélineau 1890. Histoire du patriarche copte Isaac: Étude critique, texte et traduction, ed., tr. É. Amélineau (Paris: Ernest Leroux éditeur, 1890); La géographie de l’Égypte à l’époque copte (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1893); “La conquête de l’Égypte par les Arabes”, Revue Historique, 119 (1915), 273–310; Johannes Bachmann, “Das Leben und die Sentenzen des Philosophen Secundus des Schweigsamen—Nach dem Äthiopischen und Arabischen”, Inaugural­Dissertation, Friedrichs­Universität Halle­Wittenberg (1887); “Die Philosophie des Neopythagoreers Secundus” Linguistisch­philosophische Studie (Berlin: Mayer & Müller, 1888). William Wright, “Catalogue of the Ethiopic Manuscripts in the British Museum Acquired since the Year 1847” (Piccadilly: Longmans & CO., Covent Garden–Berlin: Asher & CO., 1877);

Louisa Butcher, “The Story of the Church of Egypt, Being an Outline of the History of the Egyptians under their Successive Masters from the Roman Conquest until Now, I” (London: Smith, Elder, and Co., 1897); Arthur John Butler, “The Arab Conquest of Egypt and the Last Thirty Years of the Roman Dominion” (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1902); Edgar J. Goodspeed. “Tertag and Sarkis: an Armenian Folk­tale, Translated from the Ethiopic”, The American Antiquarian and Oriental Journal, 28/3 (1906), 133–140; Marius Chaîne, “Catalogue des manuscrits éthiopiens de la Collection Antoine d’Abbadie” (Paris: Imprimerie nationale–Ernest Leroux, éditeur, 1912); Carlo Conti Rossini, “Notice sur les manuscrits éthiopiens de la Collection d’Abbadie”, Extrait du journal asiatique (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1914); Robert Henry Charles, “The Chronicle of John (c. 690 A.D.), Coptic Bishop of Nikiu: Being a History of Egypt before and during the Arab Conquest”, Translated from Hermann Zotenberg’s Edition of the Ethiopic Version, Text and Translation Society, 3 (London: Williams & Norgate, 1916); Walter Ewing Crum, 1917. “Review of Robert Henry Charles, The Chronicle of John” (c. 690 A.D.), Coptic Bishop of Nikiu: Being a History of Egypt before and during the Arab Conquest, Translated from Hermann Zotenberg’s Edition of the Ethiopic Version, Text and Translation Society, 3 (London: Williams & Norgate, 1916), The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, 4 (1917), 207–209; Basil Thomas Alfred Evetts, “History of the Patriarchs of the Coptic Church of Alexandria, III: Agatho to Michael I” (766), ed., tr. B. Evetts, Patrologia Orientalis, 5/1 (Paris: Firmin­Didot et Cie, imprimeurs­éditeurs, 1947); Lanfranco Ricci, “Letterature dell’Etiopia”, in O. Botto, ed., Storia delle letterature d’Oriente, I (Milano: Casa editrice Dr. Francesco Vallardi società editrice libraria, 1969), 803–911; Hans Ferdinand Fuhs, “Die äthiopische Übersetzung des Propheten Hosea:” Edition und textkritischer Kommentar nach den Handschriften in Berlin, Cambridge, Frankfurt am Main, London, München, Oxford, Paris und Wien, ed., tr. H. F. Fuhs, Bonner biblische Beiträ- ge, 38 (Bonn: Peter Hanstein Verlag, 1971); Vasiliy Sirotenko, “Pis’mennyje svidetel’stva o bulgarah IV–VII vv. v svete sovremennyh im istoričeskih sobytij” (‘Written sources on Bulgars of the IV–VII centuries in the light of historical circumstances’), in S. Nikitin, ed., Slavyansko­Balkanskie Issledovaniya: Istoriographiya i istochnikovedenie: sbornik statej i materialov (‘Balcan and Slavic studies: historiography and source studies: miscellany’) (Moskva: Nauka, 1972), 195–218; Maxime Rodinson “Notes sur le texte de Jean de Nikiu”, in E. Cerulli, ed., IV Congresso Internazionale di Studi Etiopici (Roma, 10–15 aprile 1972), II: Sezione linguistica, Problemi attuali di scienza e di cultura, 191 (Roma: Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, 1974), 127–137; Stefan Strelcyn, “Catalogue des manuscrits éthiopiens de l’Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei: Fonds Conti Rossini et Fonds Caetani 209, 375, 376, 377, 378,” Indici e Sussidi Bibliografici della Biblioteca, 9 (Roma: Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, 1976); Claude Sumner, “Ethiopian Philosophy, IV: The Life and Maxims of Ske̳nde̳s” (Addis Ababa: Ministry of Culture and Sports–Commercial Printing Press, 1981); Stefan Timm, “Das christlich­koptische Ägypten in arabischer Zeit: Eine Sammlung christlicher Stätten in Ägypten in arabischer Zeit, unter Ausschluß von Alexandria, Kairo, des Apa­Mena­Klosters (Dēr Abū Mina), der Skētis (Wādi n­Naṭrūn) und der Sinai­Region” III: G–L, Beihefte zum Tübinger Atlas des Vorderen Orients, Reihe B, Geisteswissenschaften, 41/3 (Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert, 1985); Hugh Kennedy, “Egypt as a province in the Islamic caliphate, 641–868”, in C. F. Petry, ed., The Cambridge History of Egypt, I: Islamic Egypt, 640–1517 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 62–85; Tito Orlandi, “Elementi di lingua e letteratura copta: corso di lezioni universitarie” (Milano: La Goliardica, 1970). — 1998. “Koptische Literatur”, in M. Krause, ed., Ägypten in Spätantik­Christlicher Zeit: Einführung in die koptische Kultur, Sprachen und Kulturen des christlichen Orients, 4 (Wiesbaden: Reichert, 1998), 117–147; Aziz S. Atiya, ed., The Coptic Encyclopedia, V, VI (New York, NY: Macmillan Publishing Company, 1991); Terry G. Wilfong, “The non­Muslim communities: Christian communities”, in Carl F. Petry, ed., The Cambridge History of Egypt, I: Islamic Egypt, 640–1517 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 175–197; Miguel A. García, “Ethiopian Biblical Commentaries on the Prophet Micah”, Aethiopistische Forschungen, 52 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 1999);  Encyclopaedia Aethiopica, Siegbert Uhlig, ed., Encyclopaedia Aethiopica, III: He–N; in cooperation with A. Bausi, ed., IV: O–X (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2007, 2010), Gianfranco Fiaccadori, “John of Nikiou”, in D. Thomas and B. Roggema, eds, Christian– Muslim Relations: A Bibliographical History, I: 600–900 (Leiden–Boston, MA: Brill, 2009), 209–218; Serge A. Frantsouzoff, “Hronika Ioanna Nikiuskogo: nekotorye osobennosti yazyka i soderžaniya” (‘The Chronicle of John of Nikiu: some peculiarities of its languages and contents’), Vestnik PSTGU, Seriya III, Philologiya, 4 (22) (2010), 77–86; Phil Booth, “Shades of Blues and Greens in the Chronicle of John of Nikiou”, Byzantinische Zeitschrift, 104/2 (2011), 555–601; Shamil Kubrat Mingazov,  pravitel’ Velikoy Bolgarii i Ketrades ­ “personaž Ioanna Nikiusskogo” (‘Kubrat, the ruler of Great Bulgaria, and Qetrades, a character from the Chronicle of John of Nikiu’) (Kazan’: Iydatel’stvo Yaz, 2012); Martin Heide, “Secundus Taciturnus: Die arabischen, äthiopischen und syrischen Textzeugen einer didaktischen Novelle aus der römischen Kaiserzeit”, Mit einem Beitrag von S. Weninger zur Übersetzungssprache der äthiopischen Version, Aethiopistische Forschungen, 81 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2014), Columba Stewart, “A Brief History of the Ethiopian Manuscript Microfilm Library (EMML)”, in A. C. McCollum, ed., Studies in Ethiopian Languages, Literature, and History: Festschrift for Getatchew Haile Presented by his Friends and Colleagues, Aethiopistische Forschungen, 83 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2017), 447–472;

 

https://archive.org/details/CharlesTheChronicleOfJohnBishopOfNikiuTranslatedFromZotenbergsEthiopicText (13.09.2022).

https://archive.org/details/JohnOfNikiuChronicle1916/page/n9/mode/2up (13.09.2022).

https://www.tertullian.org/fathers/nikiu2_chronicle.htm (13.09.2022).

John Bishop of Nikiu: Chronicle

 

CHAPTER CX (CXI). Concerning the appearance of the Moslem on the confines of Fîjum and the defeat of the Romans who dwelt there.

CHAPTER CXI (CXII). Concerning the first encounter of ‘Amar with the Romans at the city of ‘Awn (i. e. Heliopolis).

CHAPTER CXII (CXIII). How all the Jews assembled in the city of Manûf owing to their fear of the Moslem, the cruelties of ‘Amar and the seizure of their possessions till (at last) they left the gates of Misr open and fled to Alexandria. And how wicked men multiplied in the beginning of wickedness and began to help (‘Amar) to destroy the people of Egypt.

CHAPTER CXIII (CXIV). How the people of Samnûd so flouted ‘Amar as to refuse to receive him: and concerning the return of Kalâdî to the Romans: and how they seized his mother and his wife -now he had hidden them in Alexandria- because he had joined and helped the Moslem.

CHAPTER CXIV (CXV). How the Moslem took Misr in the fourteenth year of the cycle and made the fortress of Babylon open its gates in the fifteenth year.

CHAPTER CXV (CXVI). Concerning the death of the emperor Heraclius and the return of Cyrus the Patriarch from exile and his departure for Mesr to pay tribute to the Moslem.

CHAPTER CXVI (CXVII). How God gave the Romans into the hands of the Moslem and rejected them because of their incredulity and their divisions and the persecution which they had brought on the Christians of Egypt.

Chapter CXVII (CXVIII). How 'Amar got possession of Absâdi, that is, Niqîjûs : and (concerning) the flight of the general Domitian and the destruction of his army in the river, and the great massacre which took place in the city of Absâdi, and in all the remaining cities — till 'Amar came to the island of Sawnâ — which were under the sway of Absâi and its island on the eighteenth day of the month Genbot, in the fifteenth year of the cycle.

Chapter CXVIII. How the Moslem got possession of Caesarea in Palestine and the trials that overtook it.

Chapter CXIX. Concerning the great earthquake and the loss of life in Crete both in their island and in all their cities round about.

Chapter CXX. Concerning Cyrus the Patriarch of the Chalcedonians — the same who went to Babylon and to 'Amar the chief of the Moslem and took the tribute in a vessel and paid it into his hands. And further how 'Amar increased the taxes of the Egyptians: and concerning the death of Cyrus the Chalcedonian after he had repented of having delivered the city of Alexandria into the hands of the Moslem.

Chapter CXXI. Concerning the return of Abbâ Benjamin the patriarch of Egypt from his exile in the city of Rîf (where he had been) fourteen years, and of these (he had been there) ten years because the Roman emperors had exiled him, and four under the dominion of the Moslem. And concerning the remaining history with the conclusion of the work.

Chapter CXXII. A second epilogue concluding this history….

Chapter CXI. 1. Now Theodore was commander-in-chief in Egypt. And when the messengers of Theodosius the prefect of Arcadia informed him regarding the death of John, general of the local levies, he thereupon turned with all the Egyptian troops and his auxiliary forces and marched to Lôkjôn, which is an island. 2. Moreover he feared lest, owing to the dissensions prevailing amongst the inhabitants of that district, the Moslem should come and seize the coast of Lôkjôn and dislodge the communities of the servants of God who were subjects of the Roman emperor. 3. And his lamentations were more grievous than the lamentations of David over Saul when he said: “How are the mighty fallen, and the weapons of war perished!” For not only had John the general of the forces perished, but likewise John the general, who was of. the city of Mârôs, had been slain in battle and fifty horsemen with him.

4. I will acquaint you briefly with what befell the former in habitants of Fajûm.

5. John and his troops, the warriors whom we have just mentioned, had been appointed by the Romans to guard the district. Now these posted other guards near the rock of the city of Lâhûn in order to keep guard continually, and to give information to the chief of the forces of the movements of their enemies. 6. And subsequently they got ready some horsemen and a body of soldiers and archers, and these marched out to fight the Moslem, purposing to prevent the advance of the Moslem. 7. And subsequently the Moslem directed their march to the desert and seized a large number of sheep and goats from the high grounds without the cognizance of the Egyptians. 8. And when they reached the city of Bahnasâ, all the troops on the banks of the river came (to the succour) with John, but were unable on that occasion to reach Fajûm.

9. And the general Theodosius, hearing of the arrival of the Ishmaelites, proceeded from place to place in order to see what was likely to befall from these enemies. 10. And these Ishmaelites came and slew without mercy the commander of the troops and all his companions. And forthwith they compelled the city to open its gates, and they put to the sword all that surrendered, and they spared none, whether old men, babe, or woman. 11. And they proceeded against the general John. And he took all the horses : and they hid themselves in the enclosures and plantations lest their enemies should discover them. Then they arose by night and marched to the great river of Egypt, to Abuit, in order to secure their safety. Now this matter was from God.

12. And the chief of the faction who was with Jeremiah informed the Moslem troops of the Roman soldiers who were hidden. And so these took them prisoners and put them to death. 13. And tidings of these events were brought to the general Theodosius, and to Anastasius, who were then twelve miles distant from Nakius. And they betook themselves immediately to the citadel of Babylon, and they remained there, sending the general Leontius to the city of Abûit. 14. Now he was obese in person, quite without energy and unacquainted with warlike affairs. And when he arrived he found the Egyptian troops and Theodore fighting with the Moslem and making sorties every day from the city of Fajûm in order to (re)take the city. And taking half the troops he returned to Babylon in order to acquaint the governors (with the state of affairs), and the other half of the troops remained with Theodore.

15. And Theodore sought with great diligence for the body of John, who had been drowned in the river. And with much lamentation he had the body drawn forth in a net, and placed in a bier and sent to the governors, who also (in turn) sent it to Heraclius.

16. And such (of the Romans) as were in Egypt sought refuge in the citadel of Babylon. And they were also awaiting the arrival of the general Theodore in order to join with him in attacking the Ishmaelites before the rise of the river and the time of sowing, when they could not make war lest their sowings should be destroyed (and) they should die of famine together with their children and cattle.

Chapter CXII. 1. Moreover, there prevailed great indignation between Theodore the general and the governors owing to the charges brought by the emperor. 2. And both 2 Theodosius and Anastasius went forth to the city of Ôn, on horseback, together with a large body of foot soldiers, in order to attack ‘Amr the son of Al-âs. Now the Moslem had not as yet come to know the city of Misr. 3. And paying no attention to the fortified cities they came to a place named Tendunias, and embarked on the river. 4. And ‘Amir showed great vigilance and strenuous thought in his attempts to capture the city of Misr. But he was troubled because of his separation from (a part of) the Moslem troops, who being divided into two corps on the east of the river were marching towards a city named 'Ain Shams, i. e. Ôn, which was situated on high ground. 5. And ‘Amr the son of Al-âs sent a letter to Omar the son of Al-Khattâb in the province of Palestine to this effect: ‘If thou dost not send: Moslem reinforcements, I shall not be able to take Misr.’ 6. And he sent him 4,000 Moslem warriors. And their general's name was Walwârjâ. He was of barbarian descent. 7. And he divided his troops into three corps. One corps he placed near Tendunias, the second to the north of Babylon in Egypt; and he made his preparations with the third corps near the city of Ôn. 8. And he gave the following orders: “Be on the watchl, so that when the Roman troops come out to attack us, you may rise up in their rear, whilst we shall be on their front, and so having got them between us, we shall put them to the sword.’ 9. And thus when the Roman troops, unaware (of this design), set out from the fortress to attack the Moslem, these Moslem thereupon fell upon their rear, as they had arranged, and a fierce engagement ensued. And when the Moslem came in great numbers against them, the Roman troops fled and betook themselves to the ships. 10. And the Moslem army took possession of the city of Tendunias; for its garrison had been destroyed, and there survived only 300 soldiers. And these fled and withdrew into the fortress and closed the gates. But when they saw the great slaugbter that had taken place, they were seized with panic and fled by ship to Nakius in great grief and sorrow. 11. And when Domentianus of the city of Fajûm heard of these events, he set out by night , without informing the inhabitants of (A)bûît that he was fleeing to escape the Moslem, and they proceeded to Nakius by ship. 12. And when the Moslem learnt that Domentianus had fled, they marched joyously and seized the city of Fajûm and (A)bûît, and they shed much blood there.

CHAPTER XIII. 1. And after the capture of Fajûm with all its territory by the Moslem, ‘Amr sent Abâkîrî of the city of Dalâs requesting him to bring the ships of Rîf in order to transport to the east bank of the river the Ishmaelites who were upon the west. 2. And he mustered all his troops about him in order to carry on a vigorous warfare. And he sent orders to the prefect George to construct for him a bridge on the river of the city Qaljûb with a view to the capture of all the cities of Misr, and likewise of Athrîb and Kuerdîs·. And people began to help the Moslem. 3. And -(the Moslem) captured the cities of Athrib and Mamlf, and an their territories. And he had moreover a great bridge constructed over the river near Babylon in Egypt to prevent the passage of ships to Nakius, Alexandria, and upper Egypt, and to make it possible for horses to cross from the western to the eastern bank of the river. And so they effected the submission of all the province of Misr. 4. But ‘Amr was not satisfied with what he had already done, and so he had the Roman magistrates arrested, and their hands and feet confined in iron and wooden bonds. And he forcibly despoiled (them) of much of (their) possession, and he doubled the taxes on the peasants and forced them to carry fodder for their horses, and he perpetrated innumerable acts of violence. 5. And such of the governors as were in the city of Nakius fled and betook themselves to the city of Alexandria, leaving Domentianus with a few troops to guard the city. And they sent orders also to Dares the chief officer in the city of Samnûd to guard the two rivers. 6. Then a panic fell on all the cities of Egypt, and all their inhabitants took to flight, and made their way to Alexandria, abandoning all their possessions and wealth and cattle.

Chapter CXIV. 1. And when those Moslem, accompanied by the Egyptians who had apostatized from the Christian faith and embraced the faith of the beast, had come up, the Moslem took as a booty all the possessions of the Christians who had fled, and they designated the servants of Christ enemies of God. 2. And ‘Amr left a large body of his men in the citadel of Babylon in Egypt, and marched in person towards the two rivers in the direction of the east against the general Theodore. 3. But the latter dispatched Jeqbarî and Satfârî to seize the city of Samnûd (and) fight with the Moslem. And when they came to the body of local levies, they all refused to war against the Moslem. And they indeed gave battle and put to the sword many of the Moslem (and of those) who were with them. 4. And the Moslem were not able to inflict any injury on the cities which lay on the two rivers; because the water served as a rampart, and the horses could not enter them because of the deep water which surrounded them. 5. And so leaving them they marched towards the province of Rîf and arrived at the city of Bûsîr. And they fortified this city and likewise the approaches which they had previously seized.

6. And in those days the general Theodore went to Kalâdji, and besought him saying: “Come back to us, come back to the side of Rome” And Kalâdji, fearing lest they should put to death his mother and wife, (who) were concealed in Alexandria, gave Theodore a great sum of money. 7. And the general Theodore prevailed on Kalâdji, and the latter arose in the night, while the Moslem were asleep, and marching on foot with his men he came to the general Theodore. 8. And thence he proceeded to the city of Nakius and formed a junction with Domentianus in order to war against the Moslem.

9. And subsequently Sabendîs devised an excellent plan and so escaped out of the hands of the Moslem by night. And he betook himself to Damietta to the prefect John. 10. And he indeed sent him to Alexandria with a letter . . . confessing his fault to the governors with many tears in these words: “I have done this deed because of the blow and the ignominy which John inflicted upon me without showing any consideration for (my) old age. For this reason I joined the Moslem. Heretofore I was a zealous servant of the Romans”

Chapter CXV. 1. And ‘Amr the chief of the Moslem spent twelve months in warring against the Christians of Northern Egypt, but failed nevertheless in reducing their cities. 2. And in the fifteenth year of the cycle, during the summer, he marched on the cities of Sakâ, and Tûkû-Dâmsis, 2 being impatient to subdue the Egyptians before the rise of the river. But he was unable to do them any hurt. 3. And in the city of Damietta they also refused to admit him, and he sought to burn their crops. 4. And he began to march back to the troops that were in the fortress of Babylon in Egypt. And he gave them all the †booty which lie had taken from the city of Alexandria. 5. And he destroyed the houses of the Alexandrians who had fled †, and he took their wood and iron and gave orders for the construction of a road from the fortress of Babylon to the city of the two rivers, in order that they might burn that city with fire. 6. And the inhabitants of that city on hearing of this project took to flight with their possessions, and abandoned their city, and the Moslem burned that city with lire. But the inhabitants of that city came by night and ex- tinguished the fire. 7. And the Moslem marched against other cities to war against them, and they despoiled the Egyptians of their possessions and dealt cruelly with them. 8. But the generals Theodore and Domentianus were unable to do any injury to the inhabitants of the city on account of the Moslem who were amongst them.

9. And ‘Amr left lower 1 Egypt and proceeded to war against Rîf. He sent a few Moslem against the city of Antinoe. And when the Moslem saw the weakness of the Romans and the hostility of the people to the emperor Heraclius, because of persecution wherewith he had visited all the land of Egypt in regard to the orthodox faith, at the instigation of Cyrus the Chalcedonian patriarch, they became bolder and stronger in the war. 10. And the inhabitants of the city (Antinoe) sought to concert measures with J ohn their prefect with a view to attacking the Moslem; but he refused, and arose with haste with his troops, and, having collected all the imposts of the city, betook himself to Alexandria; for he knew that he could not resist the Moslem, and (he feared) lest he should meet with the same fate as the garrison of Fajûm. 11. Indeed, all the inhabitants of the province submitted to the Moslem, and paid them tribute. And they put to the sword all the Roman soldiers whom they encountered. And the Roman soldiers were in a fortress, and the Moslem besieged them, and captured their catapults, and demolished their towers, and dislodged them from the fortress. 12. And they strengthened the fortress of Babylon, and they captured the city of Nakius and made them- selves strong there.

Chapter CXVI. 1. And Heraclius was grieved by the death of John the chief of the local levies, and of John the general who had been slain by the Moslem, as well as by the defeat of the Romans that were in the province of Egypt. 2. And in accordance with the decree of God who takes away the souls of rulers, 2 and of men of war as well as of kings, Heraclius fell ill with fever, and died in the thirty-first year of his reign in the month Yakâtit of the Egyptians, that is, February of the Roman months, in the four- teenth year of the lunar cycle, the 357th year of Diocletian. 3. And some said: “The death of Heraclius is due to his stamping the gold coinage with the figures of the three emperors — that is, his own and of his two sons on the right hand and on the left — and so no room was found for inscribing the name of the Roman empire.” And after the death of Heraclius they obliterated those three figures.

4. And when Heraclius the elder died, Pyrrhus, the patriarch of Constantinople, passed over Martina (the daughter of) his (i. e. Heraclius's) sister and her children, and nominated Constantine the son of the empress Eudocia, and made him head of the empire in succession to his father. And the two princes were treated with honour and distinction. 5. And David and Marinus seized Pyrrhus, the Roman Chalcedonian patriarch, and banished him to an island in the west of Africa, without any one being cognizant of what had been fulfilled; for no word of the saints falls (to the ground). 6. Now it happened that the great Severus, patriarch of Antioch, wrote to Caesaria the patrician to the following effect: “No son of a Roman emperor will sit on the throne of his father, so long as the sect of the Chalcedonians bears sway in the World.”

7. And Constantine, the son of Heraclius, oh his accession to the empire mustered a large number of ships, and entrusted them to Kîrjûs and Salâkriûs, and sent them to bring the patriarch Cyrus to him that he might take counsel with him as to the Moslem, that he should fight, if he were able, but, if not, should pay tribute; and that he should meet him in the imperial city on the festival of the holy Resurrection, and to cause all the inhabitants of Constantinople to assemble to carry out the same object. 8. And next he sent orders to Theodore to come to him  and leave Anastasius to guard the city of Alexandria and the cities on the coast. And he held out hope to Theodore that he would send him a large force in the autumn in order to war with the Moslem. 9. And when in conformity to the command of the emperor they had prepared the ships for setting out, the emperor Constantine forthwith fell ill, and was attacked by a severe malady, and he vomited blood, and when the blood was exhausted he forthwith died. And this malady lasted a hundred days, that is, all the days of his reign wherein he reigned after his father Heraclius. And people mocked at Heraclius and his son Constantine.

10. And the members of the party of Gainas assembled in the church in the city of Dafâshîr near the bridge of the Apostle S. Peter. Now Cyrus the patriarch had robbed the church of large possessions in the time of the persecution, without any authorization on the part of the magistrates. 11. And when the Gainites sought to lay hands on the patriarch Cyrus, Eudocianus, the brother of the prefect Domentianus, being immediately apprised (of their purpose), sent troops against them to shoot them with arrows and prevent them from carrying out their intention. Some of them were so severely smitten that they died, while two had their hands cut off without legal sentence. 12. And proclamation was made throughout the city by the voice of a herald in these terms: “Let every one of you withdraw to his own church, and let no one do any violence to his neighbour in defiance of the law.” 13. But God, the Guardian of justice, did not neglect the world, but avenged those who had been wronged: He had no mercy on such as had dealt treacherously against Him, but He delivered them into the hands of the Ishmaelites. 14. And the Moslem thereupon took the field and conquered all the land of Egypt. And after the death of Heraclius, the patriarch Cyrus on his return did not cease (his) severities and persecution against the people of God, but rather added violence to violence.

Chapter CXVII. 1. And ‘Amr the chief of the Moslem forces encamped before the citadel of Babylon and besieged the troops that garrisoned it. 2. Now the latter received his promise that they should not be put to the sword, and on their side undertook to deliver up to him all the munitions of war — now these were considerable. 3. And thereupon he ordered them to evacuate the citadel. And they took a small quantity of gold and set out. And it was in this way that the citadel of Babylon in Egypt was taken on the second day after the (festival of the) Resurrection. 4. Thus God punished them because they had not honoured the redemptive passion of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, who gave His life for those who believe in Him. Yea, it was for this reason that God made them turn their back upon them (i. e. the Moslem). 5. Now on that day of the festival of the holy Resurrection they released the orthodox that were in prison; but, enemies of Christ as they were, they did not let them go without first ill-using them; but they scourged them and cut off their hands. 6. And on that day these (unhappy ones) wept and their tears poured down their faces and they were spurned, even as it is written regarding those unclean persons: “They have defiled the Church by an unclean faith, and they have wrought apostasies and deeds of violence like the sect of the Arians, such as neither pagan nor barbarian has wrought, and they have despised Christ and His servants, and we have not found any that do the like amongst the worshippers of false idols. 7. But God has been patient with the apostates and heretics who have undergone baptism a second time in submission to despotic emperors. Yet it is the same God who recompenses every man according to his deeds and does justice to him that has been wronged. 8. How then, is it not far better for us to endure patiently the trials and punishments which they inflict upon us? They indeed think to honour our Lord Christ by so doing, whereas they are found to be perverted in their faith. They have not indeed voluntarily apostatized, but they persecute those who agree not with them in faith. God forbid (such agreement)! for they are not servants of Christ: yet they think they are such in their thoughts.”

Chapter CXVIII. 1. Now the capture of the citadel of Babylon and of Nakius by the Moslem was a source of great grief to the Romans. 2. And when ‘Amr had brought to a close the operations of war he made his entry into the citadel of Babylon, and he mustered a large number of ships, great and small, and anchored them close to the fort where he was.

3. And Menas, who was chief of the Green Faction, and Cosmas the son of Samuel, the leader of the Blues, besieged the city of Misr and harassed the Romans during the days of the Moslem. And fighting- men had gone up with fear-inspiring boldness from the western bank of the river in ships, and these made expeditions by night.

4. 'Amr and the Moslem army, on horseback, proceeded by land till they came to the city of Kebrias of Abâdjâ. And on this occasion he attacked the general Domentianus. 5. But when the latter learnt of the approach of the Moslem troops, he embarked on a ship and fled [in a ship] and abandoned the army and their fleet. And he sought to enter the small canal which Heraclius had dug during his reign. But finding it closed he returned and entered the city of Alexandria. 6. Now when the soldiers saw that their commander had taken flight, they cast away their arms and threw themselves into the river in the presence of their enemies. 7. And the Moslem troops slaughtered them with the sword in the river, and none escaped save one man only, named Zechariah, a doughty man and a warrior. 8. And when the crews of the ships saw the flight of the troops, they too took to flight and returned to their own country. And thereupon the Moslem made their entry into Nakius, and took possession, and finding no soldiers (to offer resistance), they proceeded to put to the sword all whom they found in the streets and in the churches, men, women, and infants, and they showed mercy to none. 9. And after they had captured (this) city, they marched against other localities and sacked them and put all they found to the sword. And they came also to the city of † Sa†,  and there they found Esqûtâws and his people in a vineyard, and the Moslem seized them and put them to the sword. Now these were of the family of the general Theodore. 10. Let us now cease, for it is impossible to recount the iniquities perpetrated by the Moslem after their capture of the island of Nakius, on Sunday, the eighteenth day of the month Genbôt, in the fifteenth year of the cycle, and also the horrors committed in the city of Caesarea in Palestine.

11. And the general Theodore, who was in command of the city, even the city of Kîlûlnâs, quitted (this) city and proceeded to Egypt, leaving Stephen with the troops to guard the city and contend with the Moslem. 12. And there was a certain Jew with the Moslem, and he betook himself to the province of Egypt. And when with great toil and exertion they had cast down the walls of the city, they forthwith made themselves masters of it, and put to the sword thousands of its inhabitants and of the soldiers, and they gained an enormous booty, and took the women and children captive and divided them amongst themselves, and they made that city a desolation (lit. destitute). 13. And shortly after the Moslem proceeded against the country (city?) of †Côprôs† and put Stephen and his people to the sword.

Chapter CXIX. 1. And Egypt also had become enslaved to Satan. A great strife had broken out between the inhabitants of Lower Egypt, and these were divided into two parties. Of these, one sided with Theodore, but the other wished to join the Moslem. 2. And straightway the one party rose against the other, and they plundered their possessions and burnt their city. But the Moslem distrusted them.

3. And ‘Amr sent a large force of Moslem against Alexandria, and they captured Kariûn, which lies outside the city. And Theodore and his troops who were in that locality fled and with- drew into Alexandria. 4. And the Moslem began to attack them but were not able to approach the walls of the city ; for stones were hurled against them from the top of the walls, and they were driven far from the city.

5. And the inhabitants of Misr were at variance with those of Lower Egypt, and their strife ran high, but after a short time they made peace. 6. But when their discord came to an end, Satan stirred up another in the city of Alexandria; for Domentianus the prefect and Menas the general were at variance with each other through lust for office and other motives. 7. Now the general Theodore took the side of Menas: he was moreover hostile to Domentianus because of his flight from Nakius and his abandonment of the troops. 8. And with Eudocianus, the elder brother of Domentianus, Menas was very wroth, because he had practised cruelties against the Christians during the season of the holy Passion in regard to the faith. 9. And Domentianus mustered a large force of the “Blues”. And when Menas was apprised of this movement, he too mustered a large force of the f Greens ' and of the troops in the city. And thus these two kept up their hostility…

22. And subsequently he appointed him (Cyrus) a second time to the city of Alexandria) and the priests who were with him. He gave him power and authority to make peace with the Moslem and check any further resistance against them, and to establish a system of administration suitable to the government of the land of Egypt. And he was accompanied by Constantine, a general of the army, who was master of the local levies. 23. And he had the army from the province of Thrace brought to the city of Constantinople, and he banished Philagrius the treasurer to the province of Africa where Pyrrhus had previously been in banishment. 24. And there were great dissensions, and the inhabitants of the city rose up against Martina and her children because of the banishment of Philagrius the treasurer; for he was greatly beloved.

Chapter CXX. 1. Now not only Cyrus the Chalcedonian patriarch desired peace with the Moslem, but also all the people and the patricians and Domentianus, who had enjoyed the favour of the empress Martina— (and so) all these assembled and took counsel with Cyrus the patriarch with a view to making peace with the Moslem.

2. And all the clergy began to stir up odium 2 against the empire of Heraclius the younger, declaring: “It is not fitting that one derived from a reprobate seed should sit on the imperial throne: rather it is the sons of Constantine, who was the son of Eudocia, that should bear sway over the empire” And they rejected the will of the elder Heraclius.

3. And when Valentinus was apprised that all men were united against Martina and her sons, he took large sums of money out of the treasury of Philagrius, and distributed them amongst the soldiers and officers, and prevailed on them to act against Martina and her sons. 4. And some of them gave over warring against the Moslem, and turned their hostilities against their own countrymen. 5. And thereupon they sent an envoy secretly to the island of Rhodes with this message to the troops with the patriarch Cyrus: “Return to the imperial city and do not take sides with him.” 6. And they sent also to Theodore, the prefect of Alexandria, the following message: “Do not hearken to the voice of Martina, and do not obey her sons.” And they sent likewise to Africa, and to every province under the sway of Rome.

….

17. And subsequently the patriarch Cyrus set out and went to Babylon to the Moslem, seeking by the offer of tribute to procure peace from them and put a stop to war in the land of Egypt. And ‘Amr welcomed his arrival, and said unto him: “Thou hast done well to come to us.” And Cyrus answered and said unto him: “God has delivered this land into your hands let there be no enmity from henceforth between you and Rome: heretofore there has been no persistent strife with you." 18. And they feed the amount of tribute to be paid. And as for the Ishmaelites they were not to intervene in any matter, but were to keep to themselves for eleven months. The Roman troops in Alexandria were to carry off their possessions and their treasures and proceed (home) by sea, and no other Roman army was to return. But those who wished to journey by land were to pay a monthly(?) tribute. 19. And the Moslem were to take as hostages to one hundred and fifty soldiers and fifty civilians and make peace. 20. And the Romans were to cease warring against the Moslem, and the Moslem were to desist from seizing Christian Churches, and the latter were not to intermeddle with any concerns of the Christians. 21. And the Jews were to be permitted to remain in the city of Alexandria.

22. And when the patriarch had concluded this negotiation, he returned to the city of Alexandria, and he reported to Theodore and the general Constantine (the conditions of peace), to the intent that they should report them to the emperor Heraclius and support them before him. 23. And straightway all the troops and the people of Alexandria and the general Theodore came together to him and paid their homage to the patriarch Cyrus. And he acquainted them with all the conditions which he had made with the Moslem, and he persuaded them all to accept them. 24. And while things were in this condition, the Moslem came to receive the tribute, though the inhabitants of Alexandria had not yet been informed (of the treaty). And the Alexandrians, on seeing them, made ready for battle. 25. But the troops and the generals held fast to the resolution they had adopted, and said: “We cannot engage in battle with the Moslem : rather let the counsel of the patriarch Cyrus be observed.” 26. Then the population rose up against the patriarch and sought to stone him. But he said unto them: “I have made this treaty in order to save you and your children.” And plunged in much weeping and grief he besought them. 27. And thereupon the Alexandrians felt ashamed before him, and offered him a large sum of gold to hand over to the Ishmaelites together with the tribute which had been imposed on them.

28. And the Egyptians, who, through fear of the Moslem, had fled and taken refuge in the city of Alexandria, made the following request to the patriarch: “Get the Moslem to promise that we may return to our cities and become their subjects. And he negotiated for them according to their request. And the Moslem took possession of all the land of Egypt, southern and northern, and trebled their taxes.

29. Now there was a man named Menas, who had been appointed prefect of Lower Egypt by the emperor Heraclius: he was a presumptuous man, unlettered and a deep hater of the Egyptians. Now after the Moslem had got possession of all the country, they established him in his (former) dignity: and a man named Sinôdâ, they appointed prefect of the province of Rîf: and another named Philoxenus as prefect of the province of Arcadia, that is, Fajûm. 30. Now these three men loved the heathen but hated the Christians, and compelled the Christians to carry fodder for the cattle, and they forced them to †carry† milk, and honey, and fruit and leeks, and other things in abundance: Now all these were in addition to the ordinary rations. 31. (The Egyptians) carried out these orders under the constraint of an unceasing fear. (The Moslem) forced them to excavate (anew) the canal of Trajan, which had been destroyed for a long time, in order to conduct water through it from Babylon in Egypt to the Red Sea. 32. And the yoke they laid on the Egyptians was heavier than the yoke which had been laid on Israel by Pharaoh, whom God judged with a righteous judgement, by drowning him in the Red Sea with all his army after the many plagues wherewith He had plagued both men and cattle. 33. When God's judgement lights upon these Ishmaelites may He do unto tbem as He did aforetime unto Pharaoh! But it is because of our sins that He has suffered them to deal thus with us. Yet in His longsuffering our God and Saviour Jesus Christ will look upon us and protect us: and we also trust that He will destroy the enemies of the Cross, as saith the book which lies not. 34. And ‘Amr subdued the land of Egypt and sent his men to war against the inhabitants of Pentapolis. And after he had subdued them, he did not permit them to dwell there. And he took from thence plunder and captives in abundance. 35. And Abûljânôs the prefect of Pentapolis and his troops and the rich men of the province withdrew into the city of Dûshera — now its walls were strongly fortified — and they closed the gates. So the Moslem after seizing plunder and captives retired to their own country.

36. Now the patriarch Cyrus was greatly grieved on account of the calamities which had befallen the land of Egypt. For ‘Amr had no mercy on the Egyptians, and did not observe the covenant they had made with him, for he was of a barbaric race. 37. And on the festival of Palm Sunday the patriarch Cyrus fell ill of a fever owing to excessive grief, and he died on the fifth day of Holy Week, on the twenty-fifth of the month Magâbît. 38. Thus he did not live to see the festival of the holy Resurrection of our Lord Jesus Christ as the Christians had predicted regarding him. Now this event took place in the reign of the emperor Constantine the son of Heraclius (II).

62. And forthwith they seized him and conducted him before the emperor Constans. And he sware a terrible oath to this effect: “I have not done this with any evil intent, but in order to contend against the Moslem.” 63. And when they heard this statement, they set him free and made him commander-in-chief of the army, and arranged with him that he should give his daughter in marriage to the emperor. And on that occasion they had her proclaimed through the voice of the herald by the imperial name of Augusta…

67. And for these reasons he wept unceasingly; for he feared lest he should suffer the same fortune that had befallen him previously. And in the midst of this grief he died according to the law of nature. And his chief grief was due to the Moslem, who had refused his request on behalf of the Egyptians. 68. And before he died he wrought the works of the apostates and persecuted the Christians; and for this reason God, the righteous Judge, punished him for the evils he had wrought.

69. And the general Valentine and his troops were not able to give any assistance to the Egyptians; but the latter, and par- ticularly the Alexandrians, were very hard pressed by the Moslem. And they were not able to bear the tribute which was exacted from them. And the rich men of the city (country ?) concealed them- selves ten months in the islands.

70. And subsequently Theodore the governor and Constantine the commander-in-chief of the army, and the remaining troops, and likewise those which had been hostages in the hands of the Moslem, set out and embarked, and came to Alexandria. 71. And after the festival of the Cross they appointed Peter the deacon to be patriarch on the twentieth of Hamlê, on the festival of the holy Theodore the martyr, and placed him on the patriarchal throne.

72. On the twentieth of Maskaram, Theodore and all his troops and officers set out and proceeded to the island of Cyprus, and abandoned the city of Alexandria. And thereupon ‘Amr the chief of the Moslem made his entry without effort into the city of Alexandria. And the inhabitants received him with respect; for they were in great tribulation and affliction.

Chapter CXXI. 1. And Abba Benjamin, the patriarch of the Egyptians, returned to the city of Alexandria in the thirteenth year after his flight from the Romans, and he went to the Churches, and inspected all of them. 2. And every one said: “his expulsion (of the Romans) and victory of the Moslem is due to the wickedness of the emperor Heraclius and his persecution of the Orthodox through the patriarch Cyrus. This was the cause of the ruin of the Romans and the subjugation of Egypt by the Moslem.

3. And 'Amr became stronger every day in every field of his activity. And he exacted the taxes which had been determined upon, but he took none of the property of the Churches, and he committed no act of spoliation or plunder, and he preserved them throughout all his days. And when he seized the city of Alexandria, he had the canal drained in accordance with the instructions given by the apostate Theodore. 4. And he increased the taxes to the extent of twenty-two batr of gold till all the people hid themselves owing to the greatness of the tribulation, and could not find the wherewithal to pay. And in the second year of the lunar cycle came John of the city of Damietta,

5. He had been appointed by the governor Theodore, and had lent his aid to the Moslem in order to prevent their destruction of the city. Now he had been appointed prefect of the city of Alexandria when ‘Amr entered it. And this John had compassion on the poor, and gave generously to them out of his possessions. And seeing their affliction he had mercy upon them, and wept over their lot. 6. ‘Amr deposed Menas and appointed John in his stead. Now this Menas had increased the taxes of the city, which ‘Amr had fixed at 22,000 gold dinars, and the sum which the apostate ' Menas got together was 32,057 gold dinars — he appointed for the Moslem. 7. And none could recount the mourning and lamentation which took place in that city: they even gave their children in exchange for the great sums which they had to pay monthly. And they had none to help them, and God destroyed their hopes, and delivered the Christians into the hands of their enemies. 8. But the strong heneficence of God will put to shame those who grieve us, and He will make His love for man to triumph over our sins, and bring to naught the evil purposes of those who afflict us, who would not that the King of Kings and Lord of Lords should reign over them, (even) Jesus Christ our true God. 9. As for those wicked slaves, He will destroy them in evil fashion: as saith the holy Gospel: “As for Mine enemies who would not that I should reign over them, bring them unto Me.” 10. And now many of the Egyptians who had been false Christians denied the holy orthodox faith and lifegiving baptism, and embraced the religion of the Moslem, the enemies of God, and accepted the detestable doctrine of the beast, this is, Mohammed, and they erred together with those idolaters, and took arms in their hands and fought against the Christians, li. And one of them, named John, the Chalce- donian of the Convent of Sinai, embraced the faith of Islam, and quitting his monk's habit he took up the sword, and persecuted the Christians who were faithful to our Lord Jesus Christ.

Chapter CXXIII.

We have translated this book with great care from Arabic into Ge'ez, even poor I, the most worthless amongst men and the vilest amongst the people, and the deacon Gabriel the Egyptian, son of the martyr John Kolobos, by the order of Athanasius commander-in-chief of the army of Ethiopia, and by the order of the queen Mârjâm Senâ. 10. God grant that it may serve to the salvation of the soul and the preservation of the body. And praise be unto Him, who has given us power to begin and to finish (this work), for ever and ever. Amen and amen. So be it. 

Cibt ve Tâgût Kelimelerinin Habeşçe izleği

                                                          Cibt ve Tâgût Kelimelerinin Habeşçe izleği   “ اَلَمْ تَرَ اِلَى الَّذٖينَ ا...